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    The next chapter will now present the methodology used in this dissertation. Labov from 48 adults and eight teenagers, of which half are women and half are men. I also relied on participant observation and unrecorded naturalistic data from everyday interactions with Santomeans, and between Santomeans.

    In this chapter, I aim to discuss and share the details of my fieldwork methodology, but also discuss my personal experience as a fieldworker, and as a white fieldworker in an African country, and the challenges that arose. I combined ethnography as mainly used in anthropology and linguistic anthropology with methods used in sociolinguistics to address linguistic and social questions. This focus on real-life language data joined to the ethnographic approach led to a greater understanding of the intersection of linguistic variation and social meaning Eckert From the late s onwards, sociolinguists started to conceptualize language as a way through which social differentiation ethnicity, class, gender, etc.

    Bucholtz ; Eckert ; Mendoza-Denton Following this trend, the methodology I choose for this study includes ethnographic methods in order to study locally embedded language use and the role of language use in the construction of social identity. I am aware of the fact that how researchers represent the people and realities they study has consequences, as how people are represented affects or informs how they are treated S. Hall Representations, the consequences of those representations, and the implications of our messages as researchers matter Madison How can this work make a contribution to greater justice, equity, and freedom for Santomeans?

    Positionality is important when conducting research; researchers must take account of their own position in relation to their research participants and research setting in terms of race, gender, education, class, language, and culture, among other factors England ; Rose ; Merriam et al. This allows for a better understanding of the dynamics between researcher and participants. I am a white and consequently, rich Westerner investigating the black too often represented as poor African.

    How can I objectively describe, analyse and make public a situation that I enter with a personal background that is substantially different? When we turn back, we are accountable for our own research 96 I am from Quebec, Canada, and I am a native speaker of French.

    I am fluent in English and Portuguese, but they are second languages. I aim to keep in mind throughout the writing of this dissertation that how we represent the linguistic features and practices we study reveals what we think of them. What we think of them becomes what we think of the speakers who use them.

    And what we think of the speakers later becomes how we treat them. I entered the community through several different avenues, which included using personal contacts to meet other community members, and participating in local activities. The first method involved utilizing a set of available contacts in the community to build up a network of participants for the study. The second method, participating in local activities, allowed me to access speakers from different social classes.

    Among those local activities were the celebrations for the fortieth anniversary of the independence of the country, participation in the making of a film, visits to different plantations and towns, book launches, music sessions at the CACAU Arts Center, and various festivals, celebrations and parties held in the city.

    Through these methods, and during my first three month stay, I met many Santomeans and conducted 26 interviews discussing everyday life, Santomean culture, and the use of the languages, among other topics. First, Santomeans are available and generous, so for most people, it was a pleasure to converse with me and help me out with my research.

    So they felt valued and were glad to help. I noticed that they felt more comfortable in their home or in a public space they know well, so I would always try to meet with them at a place of their choice. Doing the interview in their home would usually mean spending time with the whole family, playing with the children and all the neighbors that my presence would attract , eating a large often too large! I genuinely enjoy doing interviews and getting to know people, I feel at ease discussing various topics, and I think that the people I interviewed could feel it.

    Some of them opened up a lot, sharing their difficult past, their struggles, and their fears, but also their pride, their hopes, and their everyday life stories.

    People with a lower socioeconomic status were easier to find and interview; they seemed more flexible as to when they do things, they had never done interviews before and were curious about it, and in some cases, they did not show as much insecurity about their knowledge and speech as people with a somewhat higher socioeconomic status. The latter, on the other hand, were a bit more difficult to convince.

    Finding people with a higher socioeconomic status and older people were part of my challenges. The solution I found was to ask friends to find those people for me. It worked out, but even so, I did fewer interviews with elders. I am sociable, but a bit of an introvert.

    This fieldwork required me to go out more, to introduce myself to groups of people, to feel comfortable leading discussions, to discuss topics with people from different social classes, with people that I would usually not necessarily meet in my everyday life outside this island. I also constantly had to ask for help; as a young independent woman who can do everything by herself or at least, that is what I want to believe! But I adapted to the situations and accepted that I needed help for almost everything: I am not sure I did.

    Many people thought I was Brazilian because of the variety of Portuguese I speak, but also because I was living with Brazilians. That being said, I think the primary fieldwork was useful in giving me access to relevant qualitative information about the use of languages and the 97 It is difficult to evaluate to what extent my outsider status and privilege impact my results. I know that many Santomeans, when being with other Santomeans, speak at a faster rate, and use lexical items that are typical of vernacular Santomean Portuguese.

    But after fourtheen months of observation, I came to believe that Santomeans do not change their pronounciation of rhotics in my presence, and especially not their use of null and overt SPP, given that is has such a low level of conscious awareness. It also highlighted the main linguistic feature that I think distinguishes Santomean Portuguese from other varieties of Portuguese.

    However, I quickly changed my mind once there and decided not to do so. It was important for me to try to have an equal-to-equal relationship with Santomeans, and not volunteering was one way of avoiding unequal relations of power with possible informants.

    To the 26 interviews I did the first time with Santomeans, I added 92 interviews for a total of interviews. Consequently, I included eight teenagers from twelve to eighteen years old in my subject pool. From January to June , I was again living in the capital, and was spending as much time as possible with Santomeans, participating in all activities I could, and often out for walks in town.

    By this time, however, I had accepted that being a regular fixture was an impossible goal to reach. I enjoyed traveling in the country crossing the island, from the capital to the southern tip, takes about an hour and 45 minutes by car , and conducted interviews on the opposite side of the island, in Ribeira Peixe and Malanza, where many Angolares and Tongas live.

    Instead of living in the capital, I decided to live the plantation experience, about a one hour car ride or two hours in iace, a van in which Santomeans can fit numerous people and goods from the capital. I was living near Ribeira Peixe, surrounded by palm tree plantations. I had running water, electricity, and the Internet I needed to work on this dissertation! But there were no restaurants, no markets, no services around me.

    I then spent less time with Santomeans, as I was coding my data and writing my first chapters. It is not that obvious in the capital, but as soon as we go away from the center, children start begging for candies. They repeat what their older siblings and friends say, and they learn that when you see a white person, you ask for candies. Among that 1. It is from here that I write this dissertation.

    A white woman working through her privilege and the inequalities of race, class and gender in the world that I live and work in.

    I grew up in a small village, being taught that, no matter the skin color, we are all equals. In primary school, although there was not even one non-white in our classes, awareness of racism was raised. Although Canada is seen as a proudly inclusive and tolerant society, it has a serious and too often forgotten race problem too: Racism against the Aboriginal groups has existed since colonial times, it is still present today, it is expressed in different ways e.

    The paternalistic federal policies perpetuate and deepen discrimination against Aboriginals, and it keeps them apart from non-Aboriginals. As I experienced it as a child, this division between White and Natives was normal; this is how things were.

    When I started to live abroad, I experienced race differently. These race experiences are intertwined with the fact that I am a woman.

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    During the year that I lived in El Salvador when I was 23 years old , I was constantly threatened, especially by women who were jealous of me. This jealousy was in part created by their husbands who would threaten to leave the house and go live abroad with la blanquita.

    It got to a point where someone called my host family to tell them they would kill me if they saw me again. Then a few years later, in Brazil, I learned how society could be stratified based on skin color. And these colors all have a different meaning on the social scale. Now, on top of that, I was seeing different shampoo based on skin color and logically, type of hair. My question made my friend cry, he was really angry at me, and did not want to discuss the matter.

    I went back home and told my white Brazilian roommate what had just happened. She told me about this shampoo being a symbol of black Brazilians being part of the consuming society, of having products made for themselves, of acknowledging their differences. What made my friend cry is not the shampoo, but the story of black Brazilians fighting for equality.

    We were far from my primary school teachings. I was verbally mistreated because of my whiteness. Strangely, this happened more frequently when I was riding my bike. These disturbing events did not happen very often, but often enough for me to question myself and feel angry about race inequalities. There is no escape from this, and I was constantly reminded that I am an outsider.

    I have many years of experience abroad that helped me deal with the attention I would get from Santomeans. But even so, there were many days and situations where I wanted to melt away into the masses. These privileges might have blinded me in the beginning of my fieldwork, as it took me a while to see racism.

    Children reacted differently to me; many played with my hair and braided it, others cried because they were scared of me. For example, when I visited Angelina, her daughter was looking at me, crying.

    She laughed and said Ela tem medo de pessoas de cor! As ethnographer, one wants to melt away into the masses, or at least, to avoid being an outsider. That did not work out. When I realized how white I was, I started to have doubts about my fieldwork: How will I ever have access to naturalistic speech if I am an outsider?

    I started the recording, she was shy and uncomfortable with me, laughing most of the time. After a few minutes, she told me it was her first time interacting with a white person.

    I could tell that it was something special for her, something to feel proud of. But I did not keep this interview, her speech was too far from being naturalistic speech. Fortunately, these kinds of encounters did not happen too often. But note that these are axioms, not anything proven, and that even if the vernacular is to be desired for analysis because of its greater systematicity, that does not mean that speech that is not maximally vernacular is devoid of systematicity.

    Singler questions and discusses the status and significance of the vernacular. However, discussing the white and black distinction was challenging; because I am white, my informants probably did not feel comfortable to discuss the stereotypes associated with whites, or to repeat what people say.

    But I also ask myself: Was I really open and comfortable to discussing the black and white distinction with them?

    For them to open up to me, I tried to eliminate all possible barriers between us, I tried to be one of them although I knew this was impossible , so I might have unconsciously avoided highlighting the skin color difference between my interviewees and myself, conscious of the historical background of this distinction. A lot of the information I got regarding whiteness comes from informal racializing and ethnicizing discourses. In fact, discourses that do not focus on race or ethnicity are also important to the production and reproduction of racial and ethnicity marking.

    I will come back to the discussion on ethnicity and stratification in Chapter 5. Was it worth it? I am not sure. Many older people who were alive before the independence of the country are actually nostalgic of the Portuguese era, and the young are curious and attracted by Portugal.

    Here are two excerpts from my interviews with Luisa 52 years old and Clara 60 years old: Sim sim, que eles Eu preferia antes de Some people regret the independence? Sim, quando nasci, era melhor. Eu era contra Yeah, when I was born, it was better.

    Really, why? Were you in favor or against the independence? Most of my colleagues in the US and Canada pay their participants, so I felt that I ought to do the same.

    Participants share with me time, knowledge, and experience, and they often welcome me to their home. This is worth something in exchange. But at the same time, I felt really uncomfortable being another white person giving Santomeans money.

    I did not want a monetary relationship with my participants. And I felt like giving them money would somehow destroy the authenticity of the time we had spent together. But I knew that people from a lower social class needed that money, even a small amount, as it helps to download food for the day.

    What I decided to do to show my gratitude was to download them a gift to thank them. I would give the gift at the end of the interview, if I knew the person beforehand and had thought of a gift idea, or I would pass by again a few days later. The gift would vary from one person to another; it could be books and pencils, a bottle of wine, jewelry, toys for children, a snack at a local restaurant, something that would usually be worth three or four euros, i.

    I did not give anything to people I knew were economically more comfortable. I understood from this experience that reducing gratitude to money can be inappropriate. I can think of two examples that somehow disturbed me. One day I interviewed a nice lady whom I will call Diana. The interview went well; we sat on her porch and talked.

    Then my friend said I could go again that week to interview the other neighbor. So I went a few days later, and interviewed the other neighbor.

    In the middle of that second interview, Diana passed by; she was angry at me. She expressed her anger in a fast Portuguese mixed with creole. It was difficult for me to understand.

    But from what I understood, she had talked to her sister on the phone and her sister had told her not to tell her secrets to a white person. What was I going to do with this information? And I got all that information for free, without giving her anything in exchange?

    I had the gift for her in my bag. I let her express her anger. I said that I was sorry, and that I would delete her interview. She left, and I went back to my interview, asking again the interviewee if she wanted to participate.

    She said not to worry, that it was fine with her. But I felt uncomfortable, it was hard for me to focus, I felt like I had done something wrong. Then a few weeks later, I went to the university to interview a professor. I will call him Rodrigo. Here is what I wrote in my fieldwork journal when I got back home after meeting with Rodrigo: March 21, I got back home sad and angry after what was supposed to be an interview with Professor Rodrigo.

    When I got to his office, where Sofia and Anabella [other professors] were also present, Rodrigo asked me what exactly was the interview about. I told him. After that, he asked me how I was going to cite, in my work, the people I was interviewing, the people who were giving me information. I thought he was worrying about issues of anonymity. I told him that names were confidential.

    And then, he started his speech. He said that he intended to write papers on Santomean Portuguese, that he would tell me what he knows, that I would write that down in my dissertation without citing him, and that later, when he would write papers, it would seem like he is copying me. I told him that we did not need to talk about anything that was related to Santomean Portuguese and languages during the interview, that we could avoid all topics related to what he intended to write.

    Our government only recognizes the work of foreigners. This went on for at least fifteen minutes. Then he said that we could start the interview, but I said no. I said that I did not feel comfortable doing the interview, that stealing information was not my intention, that I was writing this dissertation for my own personal and intellectual development. I politely said goodbye and I left. At the same time, I was angry because difficulties in the Santomean academic world are real.

    Professors do not have the background, the tools, and the subventions that are necessary to do research and publish. He was right: I do have greater privilege than he does. That being said, those two experiences challenged me and forced me to think about my whiteness, my privileges, my positioning, and my role as a researcher.

    My race and gender did have an important impact on my interactions and relations with Santomeans, and this impact needs to be taken into consideration when discussing and analyzing my fieldwork, the results of this study, and their interpretations.

    By surroundings, I mean that no one lived further than fifteen minutes from the capital via public or private transportation. But reality is more complex; as will be discussed in chapter 5, many Santomeans are children of mixed-ethnicity unions. And I had to deal with this ethnic diversity when looking for participants. I wanted to study Forros who have two Forro parents, hoping to avoid dealing with participants who were members of other ethnic groups and speakers of other creole languages.

    This way, language contact influence, if any, would be between Portuguese and Forro, and not between Portuguese and any other creole spoken on the island. Before doing an interview, I would make sure that my interviewee was a Forro from the capital or the surroundings by asking them, or by asking the person that had put us in touch.

    That explains why so many interviews were not included in this study, but also why I ended up including a few mixed-ethnicity Santomeans to this study. That being said, if three Santomeans grew up in the same community and one had a Cape Verdean grandfather, another had an Angolar mother, and the third had two Forro parents, would their speech be identifiably different?

    My guess is that there would be no difference or little if any difference in their speech, I also include in this dissertation a few excerpts of interviews I did with Santomeans who live outside the capital. I refer to them in Chapter 5 when discussing ethnicity and varieties of Santomean Portuguese. I also included in my subject pool Santomeans who had lived abroad.

    I decided to do so because it is almost impossible to find educated people especially among the older Santomeans who have not studied abroad. That being said, I excluded from my subject pool participants who currently live more than fifteen minutes by car from the capital, who had lived most of their life in another part of the island, or who strongly identify as Angolar, Cape Verdean or Tonga.

    Many of the participants are monolingual Portuguese speakers, or have some knowledge of Forro, and a few usually older participants are bilingual native speakers of Forro and Portuguese.

    Porque aqui na cidade fala- se muito pouco [hum hum] fala-se muito pouco, mas as coisas essenciais eu posso falar risos. Because here in the city it is not spoken much [hum hum] it is not spoken much, but the essential things I know how to say them laughs. Some were friends, others were friends of friends, some I had never seen before the interviews, and some I would see almost every day.

    This might have affected how comfortable the person was with me during the interview. I This is less true for the Angolares, who still speak Angolar at home, in the streets, and even at work. This brings me to discuss my interview setting. The informants were told that they could answer the phone, take care of the children, and do other things at the same time.

    When I first started my interviews, my ears were not yet totally accustomed to Santomean Portuguese, and this often meant that I could understand my informants when they were talking to me, but I could not understand them entirely when they were talking to others. I remember thinking more than once that they were speaking in creole, but then they would confirm that it was Portuguese. With time, I came to understand better their variety of Portuguese.

    However, I did not choose the district as a limit for my subject pool as the district is a political limit that does not mean anything linguistically. It does not divide speakers of different languages or varieties, and it does not represent the limits of a speech community.

    I interviewed an See Figure of Chapter 2. Igor M 23 9th grade dancer Portuguese, some Forro 4. Kevin M 26 7th grade gardener Portuguese, some Forro 5. Angelina F 20 5th grade stays home monolingual Portuguese 8.

    Sara F 24 9th grade student Portuguese, some Forro Milu F 20 7th grade seller Portuguese, some Forro Joelma F 24 bachelor work at a Ministry monolingual Portuguese Yuri M 30 6th grade construction monolingual Portuguese worker Gaspar M 32 6th grade gardener Portuguese, some Angolar Pedro M 31 9th grade carpenter Portuguese, some Forro Alberto M 32 bachelor telecommunication Portuguese, some Forro The names are pseudonyms.

    Bachelor refers to the undergraduate degree at the university. Zita F 39 4th grade stays home monolingual Portuguese Caetano M 46 6th grade security guard Portuguese, some Forro Erico M 43 8th grade stone mason Portuguese, some Forro Marcelo M 45 12th grade business man Portuguese, some Forro Filipa F 41 5th grade palm wine seller Portuguese, some Forro Catarina F 43 9th grade cleaning lady Portuguese, some Forro Flor F 43 9th grade cleaning lady Portuguese, some Forro Pilar F 44 masters professor Portuguese, some Forro Lito M 56 8th grade gardener bilingual Portuguese- Forro Elzo M 50 bachelor telecommunication Portuguese, some Forro Anita F 69 9th grade retired Portuguese, some Forro Bibiana F 54 masters professor Portuguese, some Forro Marcela F 12 6th grade monolingual Portuguese 3.

    Gabriel M 13 7th grade monolingual Portuguese 4. Pascoal M 17 9th grade monolingual Portuguese 6. Mariana F 17 7th grade monolingual Portuguese 7. Eduardo M 18 10th grade Portuguese, some Forro 8. But as you will see in Chapter 5, I talk about the emerging middle class, which I think is leading the formation of a new national identity and the linguistic change related to rhotics.

    Ascription of social classes is based on different factors, such as level of education and occupation, but also family name, neighborhood, and ethnic group, among others. In addition to naturalistic speech data, I elicited metalinguistic comments on language, ethnicity, and localness in order to arrive at a clearer picture of the ideologies underlying linguistic choices and perceptions within this speech community.

    In addition to these two data sources, ethnographic observations as mentioned above made through participant observation was integral to this study in order to understand group dynamics as well as community and local practices that are important to participants. The speech data included in this study was elicited in individual interviews. These interviews were carried out employing techniques from both sociolinguistic interviews Labov ; Tagliamonte ; Becker and ethnographic interviews Spradley Interviews with adults lasted between 33 and 82 minutes my objective was interviews of about fifty or sixty minutes , and interviews with teenagers lasted between 24 and thirty minutes with the exception of one interview that lasted an hour.

    Speakers were informed that they had the option of stopping the recording at any time or destroying the recording following the interview. I first planned on structuring my interviews in modules that included demographic questions, as well as questions related to family, childhood, schooling, social network, identity, and language attitude see Appendix A for list of questions.

    But in reality, the recording sessions followed no predetermined structure. That meant that my participants often talked about topics that had nothing to do with the topics above, which is fine, but it also means that some information is missing. I would sometimes get so much into the conversation that questions related to language use, for instance, which is something I coded for in my analysis, were not asked. At that time, it did not seem to be essential, but afterwards, when transcribing and coding my data, I realized these are data I would have liked to have.

    I also had prepared word lists and reading passages, which I did not use. First, because I did not know if the person could read and write, and I did not want to have to ask. Second, because I did not myself feel comfortable having sheets of paper and pens, as if I were giving them a test, as if there were right and wrong answers.

    To improve the recording quality, I also used an Audio-Tecnica Pro70 lapel microphone. Group recordings were also considered, put pilot interviews of this nature were unsuccessful, as speakers were interrupting each other constantly and talking at the same time.

    Therefore, those two fieldwork strategies were not used, and I rather decided to conduct the interviews myself although sometimes, a friend of the interviewee would be close by , and I favored individual interviews. When transcribing the interviews, I tried to be as faithful as possible to the speech of the participants. Consequently, excerpts I present throughout the dissertation might show absence of agreement, insertion of a vowel between two consonants, deletion of final consonant, and other features of Santomean Portuguese.

    More specific methodological information regarding coding of rhotics and subject pronoun expression will be presented in Chapters 7 and 8 respectively, before presenting and discussing the results. My approach to fieldwork was a combination of ethnography as mainly used in anthropology and linguistic anthropology, and methods used in sociolinguistics to address variation of linguistic features based on linguistic and social constraints.

    As a matter of transparency, I shared with the reader questions related to my objectivity, my positionality, my outsiderness, my whiteness, and my background, as I believe all may have important impact on this research.

    I also discussed other matter important to fieldwork, such as accessing the community, data collection, and the interview setting. The participants included in this study are urban Santomeans of Forro descent, of both genders, of all ages, education, linguistic, and socioeconomic background. It is both an indexical and ideological process as well as a mechanism of social stratification, inextricably bound with numerous and intersecting social dimensions and power relations.

    I then discuss these ethnic groups as viewed by the participants I interviewed for this study and explain how they are socially stratified. Finally, I examine how ethnicity is intertwined with social hierarchies and political power.

    Although racial labels are still used to classify people in some countries e. USA, Brazil , modern genetics avoids speaking of race for three main reasons: That being said, racism is constructed on the idea that personality, intelligence, and social conduct are linked to hereditary and therefore, racial characteristics, which vary from one race to another Ericksen Yinger Van den Berghe , while others argue for the importance of keeping them apart e.

    Banton For the current study, I agree with Ericksen However, contrary to the Santomean practice and based on the existing literature on the matter, I choose to use the term ethnic group instead of race to discuss the different groups that form Santomean society. As Ericksen wrote, there are no hereditary physical traits that set clear boundaries or explain cultural variations. Exceptions to this are Seibert , and Areosa The author considers ethnic groups to be the product of self-ascription and identification.

    In his view, ethnic groups are interdependent, and their identity lies in processes of inclusion and exclusion: According to him, the social boundaries of an ethnic group and their maintenance are key to understanding ethnicity. Therefore, the focus of investigation when trying to understand and define ethnicity should be those boundaries not territoriality, language, and cultural aspects that it encloses, for example. Barth also highlights the importance of fieldwork, and argues for starting from the field to build the theory and not the opposite.

    They represent less than 0. This will allow us to understand the place of Forros in the society and their role in the formation of the national identity.

    Also, as Ericksen argued, in societies where ideas of race are important and relevant to people, those ideas must be studied as part of local discourses on ethnicity. It is in the local discourse and the stereotypes of a society that the knowledge related to ethnic groups lies. Stereotypes, just as ethnic groups, are a social product; they are produced and reproduced: Stereotypes are held by dominated groups as well as by dominating ones, and they are widespread in societies with significant power differences as well as in societies where there is a rough power equilibrium between ethnic groups Ericksen Investigating local and racialized discourses is the main tool to understanding ethnicity.

    The information I present in this chapter is mainly based on my interviews, my fieldwork notes, and my experiences with locals. Why from English? However, for Santomeans, it is possible to distinguish one ethnic group from another, based not only on language, but also on physical features and behavior, as explained by Max 24 years old: Como faz pra saber? I can. Santomeans often give each other nicknames related to their skin color e. Because all the Portuguese residents with a few rare exceptions returned to Portugal after independence, there are basically no white native Santomeans.

    With a few rare exceptions, all whites are foreigners. In order to have an overview of what Forros think of themselves and other ethnic groups in the country, I gathered the main stereotypes that were mentioned during the interviews with my adult Forro participants.

    Both groups have a similar African origin, but they believe themselves to be genetically different and emphasize their different historical, cultural, and linguistic background to mark their identity.

    On the one hand, Forros consider themselves to be superior, thanks to the blood of Europeans mainly Portuguese who cohabited with their See Appendix B for the original descriptors as said by my informants in Portuguese. The Angolares also showed the lowest haplogroup diversity and the most reduced number of different haplogroups. Note how stereotypes set those three groups apart, and how Angolares are viewed as more violent and stubborn. A translation follows the original Portuguese excerpt.

    Tem preconceitos? Allen ; Pearson ; Hill Refer to Smedley and Smedley who examined the evolution of the concept of race and how we came to believe that our societies were composed of unequal human groups. Tem a pele mais clara? O que que tem de diferente? Are there any prejudices? They have lighter skin? Yeah yeah yeah, well because some are What is the difference? For example, for example, the ones who come from And simple things make them turn to violence laughs.

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    Ok, and Forros? How are Forros? Consequently, Cape Verdeans were seen by Forros as some the new slaves. This suggests that there is a discourse of authenticity and promordiality — the original residents are the most authentic. The pejorative stereotypes surrounding Cape Verdeans were were perpetuated for many decades: Como assim? Por exemplo, se ele for um Oh really? Ne to Mi Security anime face maker 2. Amie, Host. Xx to Pas Si examines various si protocols, mi on pas, pas, attacks, and pas to voyage an xx.

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